"El cambio de código como estrategia comunicativa de los hablantes bilingües de Antonito, Colorado"
[syntax] [bilingualism] [spanish]
Este estudio investigó el fenómeno de las alteraciones lingüísticas en los hablantes bilingües de Antonito, CO. El estudio se enfocó en descubrir cuál tipo de alteración (léxica o oracional) es la más prevalente en los hablantes del corpus, y también en descubrir los factores internos y externos que más favorecen un cambio oracional. Se encontró que por general las mujeres utilizaron la alteración de código más que los hombres, pero los hombres favorecieron el cambio oracional. Confirmando los resultados de estudios previos (Gumperz (1977); Timm (1975); Poplack (1980); Poplack y Meechan (1998)), los cambios de palabras únicas fueron más prevalentes en este corpus de bilingües. Los cambios aparecieron al final del discurso con más frecuencia, y hubo más habla en español, entonces, los cambios más frecuentes fueron del español al inglés, pero eses mismos no favorecieron los cambios oracionales.
"La elisión de [j] intervocálica en el español de Antonito, Colorado"
[phonetics] [spanish] [sociolinguistics] [variation]
Este estudio analizó la elisión de [ʝ] intervocálica en el español de Antonito, Colorado. Los estudios previos (Bowen, 1974; Canfield, 1960; Espinosa ,1930; Henríquez Ureña, 1938; Lacayo, 1954; Lipski, 1987; Oroz, 1974; Ross, 1980; Suárez, 1945; Toscano Mateus, 1953; Vidal de Battini, 1949) solamente han descrito los contextos en que la elisión de [ʝ] intervocálica ocurre. Ross (1980) mostró que la elisión ocurría cuando la vocal precedente era /e/ o cuando [ʝ] venía en contacto con /i/; podía ser antes o Después. Este estudio recogió datos por medio de tres formas, una entrevista sociolingüística, una lista de pares mínimos y un párrafo. Se analizó el habla de siete participantes (4 hombres y 3 mujeres) en Antonito, Colorado. El estudio utilizó los programas estadísticos de GOLDVARB X y SPSS. Los resultados de GOLDVARB X concluyen que el habla informal, las vocales anteriores en el contexto antes de [ʝ] y los menores de 55 años favorecen la elisión de [ʝ] intervocálica. Incluso, los resultados señalan que /ella/ afecta la frecuencia de elisión debido a su erosión fonética. Los resultados de SPSS describen más Detalladamente lo que sucede con los datos cuando los participantes eliden la [ʝ] intervocálica. Se concluye que la elisión de [ʝ] intervocálica se está perdiendo del mismo modo que el dialecto tradicional de Nuevo México y Colorado se está perdiendo.
"Lo que ustedes queráis": A first approach to variation of second person plural pronouns in Andalusian Spanish
[syntax] [spanish] [variation] [semantics]
This research analyzes the variation in the use of second person plural pronouns vosotros and ustedes (‘you all’), both followed by the second person plural form of the verb, in Andalusia, Spain, as illustrated in the following examples:
1. a. “Ustedes quereis guerra pues agamos la guerra." ('You all (ustedes) want the war, so let 's have the war.')
b. “Vuelvo si vosotros queréis.” (‘I’ll come back if you all (vosotros) want.’)
The phenomenon’s geographical occurrence was documented by Alvar’s linguistic atlas (1973) and it has been briefly described in the literature (Villena Ponsoda, 2000; Zamora, 1985). However, no previous study includes a quantitative or a qualitative analysis that explains the variable use of ustedes and vosotros, both followed by the second person plural form of the verb, in Andalusian Spanish. This research is a first step to establish the factors that determine the variation.
This study includes a quantitative and qualitative analysis. Regarding the quantitative analysis, a corpus of 597 tokens was created and the program Goldvarb was used to obtain relevant statistical result. Regarding the qualitative data, e-mail questionnaires were sent to natives of Andalusia. The quantitative analysis shows that the use of ustedes is favored in assertive contexts. The qualitative data analysis shows that speakers are more likely to use ustedes in oral and informal and assertive contexts. It also shows that ustedes’ usage is part of the prestigious standard dialect in Seville and Western Andalusia, whereas it is stigmatized and is disappearing in the rest of Andalusia. The main conclusion reached from this preliminary research is that the use of the pronoun ustedes over vosotros is favored in assertive contexts.
"Who can solve the -inho and -zinho puzzle in Brazilian Portuguese: phonology, morphology or syntax?"
[portuguese] [morphology] [syntax] [phonology]
This work revisits the two most productive diminutive formatives in Brazilian Portuguese (BP): –inho and –zinho. Given the similar forms they present, a fundamental question arise: are they the same morpheme with different phonological properties or are they different morphemes? To answer these questions, we adopt the Distributed Morphology framework (Halle & Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997) to propose that the puzzle is solved by the syntactic position these morphemes can occupy.
We propose that –inho, but not –zinho can be directly attached to the root to form non-compositional diminutives. In these cases there’s no insertion (or deletion) of the thematic vowel, because of the immediate relation between the diminutive morpheme and the root. It’s important to see that, the presence of –zinho does not allow non-compositional interpretation.
What about the compositional interpretation of the words formed by diminutive morphemes with –inho? In these cases, we propose the diminutive is between the first categorizing root of the structure and the thematic vowel. This position is justified by cases of mismatches between the gender of the word and the thematic vowel. The syntactic position of –zinho has, then, to be higher than the both positions proposed for the morpheme –inho. It cannot be on the inner domain (Marantz, 2001, 2008), since it does not allow non-compositional interpretations. In the same sense, it does not require the deletion of the thematic vowel. Another important argument to prove the external position of –zinho is the fact that this can appear after plural markings.
"Tampoco (no) te cases tan joven": Variación lingüística en la doble negación del español mexicano
[sociolinguistics] [spanish] [semantics] [variation]
Se han estudiado los adverbios de negación con un doble uso negativo, enfocándose en la cronología de dicho uso (Camus 1986) , los turnos del habla que empiezan con tampoco (Mariotinni 2010) y el origen del doble uso de palabras de negación (Camus 1992). En el español mexicano, el adverbio tampoco ocurre de manera variable con no; es decir, existe la negación simple (1) y la negación doble (2) con dicho adverbio como se puede observar en los siguientes ejemplos:
(1) su hermana de él si entro/ el tampoco quiso entrar/entonces <tons> ya// nos
(1) su hermana de él si entro/ el tampoco quiso entrar/entonces <tons> ya// nos
venimos (sic)
(2) pero la señora soltó un llanto y pues yo la verdad yo tampoco no me aguante
Corpus ciudad de México (Butragueño y Lastra 2010)
Actualmente no existe ningún estudio que describa la variación entre el uso del tampoco y tampoco no. El objetivo de este estudio, es investigar los usos variables del tampoco y tampoco no en el español mexicano y determinar cuáles son los factores sociales y/o lingüísticos que determinan dicha variación. Los ejemplos se obtuvieron del corpus sociolingüístico de la ciudad de México (Butragueño y Lastra 2010) y se codificaron según diferentes factores lingüísticos y extralingüísticos. Dentro de los factores lingüísticos, se consideraron el tiempo verbal, tipo de verbo, modo verbal y el tipo de tampoco (Schwenter 2003). Asimismo se incluyeron los factores extralingüísticos edad, sexo, nivel de estudios y nivel socioeconómico.
El análisis cuantitativo muestra que el uso de tampoco no en el español mexicano está determinado por factores extralingüísticos. El factor estadísticamente significativo en los resultados fue el género. Los resultados indican que los hombres favorecen altamente el uso del tampoco no.
"Spanish /s/ weakening in Media Speech in Arizona"
[variation] [spanish] [phonetics] [sociolinguistics]
Televised newscasts provide information on various topics for a diverse audience. Viewers can receive information about a violent attack, and then immediately following this devastating news, a famous singer shows off a recipe on how to prepare savory pork chops. Newscasters are responsible for conveying information in a concise manner, with the help of scripts, videos, producers, and editors. Their speech is naturally formal. Although the newscasters’ enunciations are controlled, main elements of their individual speech personalities can be maintained through style, accent, and pronunciation. This study analyzes the aspiration and loss of final /s/ in two Spanish local news programs in Arizona that aired in the fall of 2011. Terrell (1979) explained that aspiration and loss of final /s/ occur due to social and stylistic factors, specifically: socioeconomic class and context. This study intends to provide insight into possible social and stylistic factors affecting final /s/ in Spanish media in Arizona, including: sex, role of the speaker (newscaster, interviewee, or commercial spokesperson), television station, topic (sports, current events, etc.), and mood. This study provides a quantitative analysis through GOLDVARB in order to find statistically significant relationships between these factors and changes in final /s/. The analysis provides evidence that the external factors mentioned above affect /s/ weakening in varying degrees, with the actual news topic being the factor most related to changes in final /s/.
“El español en la frontera y la política lingüística en Estados Unidos”
[bilingualism] [language contact] [spanish] [teaching]
Este artículo describe la inexistente pero implícita política lingüística de los Estados Unidos de América a nivel federal, sus políticas ad hoc sobre educación bilingüe, y en especial, la situación actual del español en los estados fronterizos con México con respecto a las legislaciones de éstos, en donde está creciendo un sentimiento anti-inmigrante reflejado en las políticas de restricción del uso del español y otros idiomas diferentes al inglés en dichos estados, una profunda contradicción si se tiene en cuenta el origen histórico de esta región.
This article describes the inexistent but implicit language policy of the United States at the federal level, ad hoc policies on bilingual education, and especially the current situation of Spanish in the U.S. border with Mexico regarding to state legislation, where an anti –immigrant sentiment is growing and reflected with policies with restriction of the use of Spanish and other languages other than English in those states, a deep contradiction if we take into account the historical origin of this region.
Key words: español, educación bilingüe, política lingüística, monolingüismo, hispanos
"Cómo los mexicanos realizan un reclamo: un análisis pragmático con implicaciones pedagógicas"
[pragmatics] [teaching] [spanish]
Este estudio analiza y compara las estrategias utilizadas para realizar un reclamo por hablantes varones nativos del español mexicano y por anglo-hablantes varones del español como lengua extranjera. La situación examinada se caracteriza por diferencias en la distancia social, el tipo de situación (transaccional o no) y la esfera (pública vs privada) en la cual ocurrió la conversación entre los interlocutores. Los datos colectados se analizan utilizando el modelo del “manejo de las relaciones sociales” de Spencer-Oatey (2005), y se encontró que ambos los hablantes nativos y no-nativos mostraron una preferencia para respetar el interlocutor y proteger su imagen de identidad. Sin embargo, todavía se hallaron estrategias amenazando la imagen del interlocutor y esto se puede atribuir a la naturaleza inherente amenazante de un reclamo. Los resultados obtenidos se utilizan para diseñar un plan de instrucción para enseñarles a estudiantes anglo-parlantes las estrategias pragmáticamente adecuadas para hacer un reclamo en español.
"La familia está muy importante": La extensión de estar + adjetivo en el español de Antonito, Colorado
[semantics] [language contact] [spanish] [sociolinguistics]
La presencia de dos cópulas en español ha causado una competencia semántica entre éstas. Esta competencia semántica se documenta desde el siglo XII (Vañó-Cerdá, 1982). Varios estudios recientes (Cortés-Torres, 2004; Geeslin & Guijarro-Fuentes, 2008; Gutiérrez, 1992; Ortiz-López, 2000; Silva-Corvalán, 1994) han demostrado la presencia de esta competencia en la que estar ha ido ocupando lugares que tradicionalmente han sido ocupados por ser en distintas variedades del español. Este fenómeno ha sido muy estudiado y el hecho de que su evolución continúa su curso, lo hace un tema de estudio importante para la lingüística. Este trabajo investiga la presencia de la extensión del verbo estar a contextos tradicionalmente ocupados por ser en la estructura cópula + adjetivo en el español de Antonito, Colorado. Se emplearon dos métodos, una entrevista y un cuestionario, para la recolección de datos. Se analizó el uso de ser y estar en la estructura mencionada en el habla de siete hablantes, y se empleó un análisis multi-variable para analizar factores lingüísticos y sociales que motivan o favorecen este fenómeno. Los resultados muestran un uso innovador de estar con un 29.5%. Tanto factores lingüísticos (ej. tipo de adjetivo) como factores sociales (ej. sexo) demostraron favorecer la extensión de estar en la estructura cópula + adjetivo. Aún con la limitada cantidad de datos, los resultados muestran tendencias parecidas a las de estudios sobre otros dialectos del español tanto monolingües como bilingües. El verbo estar continúa ocupando contextos que antes estaban reservados para el verbo ser.
"Code Choice in the Spanish as a Foreign Language Classroom"
[teaching] [spanish] [SLA]
This semester-long study used an analytic and deductive approach to examine the functions for which Spanish (L2) and English (L1) were used in two intact Spanish as a foreign language (FL) university classes at the 200 level, as well as the perceptions of and attitudes toward classroom language use by the students in the class and their instructors. Video- and audiotaping of the classes as well as classroom observations by the researcher were used to ascertain the quantity of each language used by the instructors and the functions for which the two languages were used. A questionnaire was used to measure student and instructor perceptions of classroom use of both languages. Post-questionnaire interviews with the instructor and selected students added context to the study. The Minnesota Language Proficiency Assessment at the Intermediate-High level was used to measure student progress on listening comprehension during the semester, and all data was analyzed comparatively. Left open to further research is the question of the effectiveness of different classroom functional uses of the first (L1) and the second (L2) language on the acquisition of Spanish as a foreign language.
“Los cambios sociolingüísticos en la yod rioplatense”
[phonetics] [variation] [spanish] [sociolinguistics]
Esta investigación estudiará el habla de los jóvenes urbanos en la ciudad de Buenos Aires para determinar cómo ellos pronuncian la yod, un sonido fonológico representado por las letras “ll” y “y”. Tradicionalmente en el español rioplatense, se pronuncia este sonido con una variante dialectal de prestigio [ʒ]. No obstante, experiencia etnográfica indica que mucha gente también lo articula con otro sonido [ʃ], frecuentemente percibido como una característica de una baja clase socioeconómica. El estudio buscará cuantificar el número de jóvenes urbanos que utilizan el alófono de prestigio versus los que usan el alófono popular para determinar si hay una preferencia entre los dos sonidos. Además, comparará el habla de los jóvenes con lo de los padres, para poder observar si hay un cambio entre generaciones. Si existe una predilección para la variante popular y si hay cambios notables entre la misma familia, esto establecerá la base para poder seguir investigando porqué ocurre este cambio lingüístico y cómo está vinculado a un cambio en valores sociales de clase.
Key words: yod rioplatense, dialecto porteño, español/castellano rioplatense, sociolecto, lengua de prestigio, deconstrucción del idioma
“Padrões silábicos em Português Brasileiro: um Estado na Teoria frame/content”
[morphology] [portuguese] [historical linguistics] [phonology]
Como é organizada a fala? De acordo com a teoria frame/content, a fala evoluiu da combinação do ciclo mandibular de abertura e fechamento – o frame, com a independência gradual dos articuladores do trato vocal, o que significa independência segmental – o content. Experimentos em balbucio e primeiras palavras mostram que existem quatro associações articulatórias do tipo silábico principais: labial-central, coronal-anterior, dorsal-posterior, e labial-coronal. Estudos em línguas adultas mostram também a existência de tais padrões. Esses resultados parecem ser universais, já que foram encontrados em diversas línguas. O presente trabalho visa analisar os padrões silábicos do português brasileiro, de forma a encontrar a existência ou não dessas associações, de forma preliminar.
“Plosives in Moroccan Judeo-Spanish”
[variation] [phonology] [spanish] [language contact]
Despite the extensive research on the various languages spoken in Morocco, the studies pertaining to the Judeo-Spanish that is spoken in Morocco, otherwise known as Hakitia, are fairly limited in number, particularly those that explore its presence not just as a form of Judeo-Spanish, but as a variety in contact with and influenced by other languages. Generally the different varieties of Judeo-Spanish are often described as “archaic” due to their preservation of various features from Medieval Spanish. This is also the case, though to a lesser degree, with Moroccan Spanish, which has had greater contact with Castilian on account of the geographic proximity between the regions as well as the establishment of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco. Additionally, because of the linguistic diversity found in Morocco, Spanish has also come into contact with different varieties of Arabic as well as other languages, which has contributed to some of the variations found in Moroccan Spanish.
The purpose of this study is to focus on one set of variations: the pronunciation of the voiced plosives /bdg/ as well as their voiceless counterparts, /ptk/. In this paper, these features will be examined in different contexts in order to establish the different phonological processes undergone, and will be compared to other varieties of Spanish. Finally, this paper also aims to highlight the segmental features found in other languages of Morocco, so as to offer a possible explanation for some of the variation in Moroccan Spanish.
“The Balancing Act between Ad Hoc (Productive) Diminutivization and Relexification in Modern Spanish”
[morphology] [spanish] [historical linguistics] [semantics]
Linguistic research on the Spanish diminutives -ito/a, -ico/a, -illo/a, -ete/a, –ín/a, -ejo/a, and –uelo/a has focused on specific regional usage or the variety of possible meanings expressed by the diminutive suffix. However, scarce investigative attention has been paid to the role of the Spanish diminutive in the creation of new words whereby the original semantic value of the suffix has become lost and reanalyzed as part of the root to which it attaches. The first of this two-part study analyzes a recent prose text in modern Peninsular Spanish, namely, Fernando Savater’s La hermandad de la buena suerte (2008), in terms of the extent of productivity of both ad hoc and relexified diminutives. The second part reports initial findings (i.e., those diminutives marked by feminine grammatical gender) of a larger study which analyzes the entirety of relexified diminutives (both masculine and feminine) found in Stahl’s Reverse Dictionary of the Spanish Language (1973). Results include the correlation of findings between the novel and reverse dictionary, namely, postulation of a an inverse relationship in terms of productivity of both processes (e.g., -ito/a was found to be the most common ad hoc diminutive suffix and the least common relexified suffix, while the opposite trend was found for –ín/a, -ejo/a, and –uelo/a). Serving as a springboard for future research with extra-Peninsular varieties of Spanish, other Romance languages, as well as languages outside of Romance, this work will help better understand how diminutives function overall in pragmatic and lexical terms, both within and between languages.
"Cross-cultural Language Learning in Higher Education: Portuguese-English Exchange between Native American and Indigenous Brazilian Students"
[teaching] [portuguese] [SLA] [language contact]
This paper reviews a case study from classes I taught comprised of 35 indigenous undergraduate students in Manaus, Brazil at the Universidade Federal do Amazonas (UFAM). Over the course of a year, I instructed two classes of Beginning English for indigenous students under the auspices of a Fulbright Grant. The final project was a collaboration between my classes and 7 Native American students attending Haskell Indian Nations University in Kansas who were learning Portuguese from a Brazilian Fulbright grantee. A major goal of the interchange was to encourage students to maintain and integrate their cultural values while communicating with each other using current internet technologies.
The case study examines language learning within the context of social constructivism where both teacher and students contributed in determining the classroom environment, and where functional goals of learning were facilitated by the real-world task of actual communication with others who do not share one’s native language and culture. Differences in communication style and views on time and intimacy were exchanged and used to create a monochronic, intersubjective classroom setting that culminated in the development of communication projects. The three-part cross-cultural communication endeavor included personal profiles, video presentations and an online chat exchanged between Brazilian and Native American students. These interactions allowed Haskell participants to practice Portuguese and UFAM students to use English in a real-life/constructivist context. The exchange provided a shared sense of minority status and success in higher education, and proved successful in increasing motivation and interest in foreign language learning.
"The Production of Spanish Onset Clusters by L2 Learners"
[SLA] [phonetics] [spanish]
In Spanish onset clusters with /ɾ/ (i.e., ‘brisa’ wind), the rhotic is typically realized as a tap or an approximant (Blecua, 2001) and a vocalic element known as a svarabhakti vowel (SV) often
emerges between the consonant and the rhotic (Blecua, 2001). In English onset clusters with /ɾ/ (i.e., breeze), the rhotic is typically realized as an approximant or a fricative and SVs are not
common (Roach, 2009; Colantoni & Steele, 2006).
The present study examines the production of Spanish onset clusters by 4 monolingual Spanish speakers and 4 L2 learners of Spanish (L1 English). The 18 tokens, which were embedded in grammatical sentences, were contrasted for C1 place of articulation, C1 voicing and nuclear vowel. Each participant produced each of the tokens three times yielding a total of 432 tokens, which were analyzed acoustically using Pratt. The independent variables include (i) L1, (ii) C1 place of articulation, (iii) C1 voicing and (iv) nuclear vowel. The dependent variables include (i) rhotic manner and (ii) SV occurrence. Statistical tests were conducted in SPSS.
Analysis of the L1 data reveals that natives produce approximants more often than taps (69% vs. 31%) and SVs 87% of the time. It is expected that the L2 learners will produce approximants the majority of the time with fricatives appearing after voiceless consonants (Face, 2006; Roach, 2009). Additionally, it is expected that the L2 learners will produce SVs less often than the natives (Colantoni & Steele, 2006).
Analysis of the L1 data reveals that natives produce approximants more often than taps (69% vs. 31%) and SVs 87% of the time. It is expected that the L2 learners will produce approximants the majority of the time with fricatives appearing after voiceless consonants (Face, 2006; Roach, 2009). Additionally, it is expected that the L2 learners will produce SVs less often than the natives (Colantoni & Steele, 2006).
"'Tienes' o 'Tenes': Un estudio sobre los diptongos en el dialecto mexicano del norte"
[phonetics] [spanish] [variation]
Hay más estudios sobre el dialecto mexicano que otro dialecto en el idioma español. Sin embargo, la mayoría de estos estudios se enfoca en el dialecto central del país y el del suroeste de los Estados Unidos. Muchos mexicanos que se mudan a esa parte de los Estados Unidos son de la región del norte. Por eso, decidí hacer una investigación del dialecto mexicano del norte.
Para hacer esta investigación, entrevisté a dos personas, un hombre y una mujer, de Sonora, la región al sur de Arizona. Hablé con cada persona por aproximadamente una hora. Después de grabar y transcribir las entrevistas, observé que pronunciaron los diptongos un poco diferentes. La mayoría del tiempo, mantuvieron los diptongos, pero a veces no los mantuvieron. Por eso, decidí hacer una investigación en las pronunciaciones de los diptongos.
Para este estudio preliminar, me centré en los diptongos. Como mencioné antes, encontré que mis participantes mantenían los diptongos a veces. Luego, clasifiqué cada diptongo por el tipo (creciente o decreciente), la semivocal, el acento y si estaban en una forma verbal o no. Después de clasificar y codificar las variables, me basé en Goldvarb 2001. Al fin, los resultados encontraron que no hay ninguna variable significante que favorece el mantenimiento del diptongo.
"Variation in the Imperfect Subjunctive use of estar in spoken Peninsular Spanish"
[semantics] [spanish] [morphology] [variation]
The goal of the present study is to determine the inter-linguistics factors that constrain the variable use of the imperfect subjunctive -se and -ra in spoken Peninsular Spanish, focusing specifically on the verb estar (to be). Certain scholars and grammars indicate that no semantic difference exists between these variants (Dale, 1925; Muñoz and Thacker, 2001). However, others conclude that a distinct difference does exist and that these variables are not in free variation. Bolinger’s qualitative investigation (1956) found that the -se form indicates less likelihood, whilst the -ra form was used to indicate more certainty or possibility. Lunn (1995) concluded that the use of -se indicates a lack of assertion.
This study used variationist methodology to provide a quantitative analysis of the variable use of -se and -ra and to further investigate Lunn’s (1995) claim that -se is associated with less assertion. A total of 220 tokens were extracted from the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual and coded by the following factor groups: verb form, grammatical number and person, polarity, clause type, verb construction and animacy.
Multivariate analysis reveals polarity as the significant factor group, with results indicating that negative utterances highly favour the use of the -se form and affirmative utterances slightly disfavour the use of the -se form.
These results provide quantitative evidence that -se and -ra cannot be used in free variation as claimed by Dale (1925). The results also support Bolinger (1956) and Lunn’s (1995) previous claims that the -se form is used in contexts where less assertion is conveyed (negative utterances), while the -raform is associated with more assertion (positive utterances).
TABLES
1:30-3pm: Table 1 (LL 106) Moderator: Mariana César
"Code Choice in the Spanish as a Foreign Language Classroom"
Patsy Hansel (Arizona State University)
"Cómo los mexicanos realizan un reclamo: un análisis pragmático con implicaciones pedagógicas"
Carly Rae Henderson (Arizona State University)
"The Production of Spanish Onset Clusters by L2 Learners"
Christine Weissglass (Florida State University)
3:30-5pm: Table 2 (LL 106) Moderator: Aaron Carriere
“La elisión de [j] intervocálica en el español de Antonito, Colorado”,
Vanessa Elías (Arizona State University)
“Los cambios sociolingüísticos en la yod rioplatense”,
"'Tienes' o 'Tenes': Un estudio sobre los diptongos en el dialecto mexicano del norte"
Laura Press (Arizona State University)
Table 3 (LL 104) Moderator: Carly Henderson
"Spanish /s/ weakening in Media Speech in Arizona"
Andrew Borba (Arizona State University)
“Padrões silábicos em Português Brasileiro: um Estado na Teoria frame/content”
Luciana Ferreira Marques (University of Colorado - Boulder)
“Plosives in Moroccan Judeo-Spanish"
Farah Ali (University of California - Davis)
Table 4 (LL 105) Moderator: Melissa Negrón
"El cambio de código como estrategia comunicativa de los hablantes bilingües de Antonito, Colorado"
Mariana César (Arizona State University)
“El español en la frontera y la política lingüística en Estados Unidos"
Lilian Paola Torrente Paternina (Universidad Nacional de Colombia)
"Cross-cultural Language Learning in Higher Education:
Portuguese-English Exchange between Native American and Indigenous Brazilian Students"
Jasmine McBeath (University of Arizona)
Table 5 (LL 104) Moderator: Vanessa Elías
"La familia está muy importante": La extensión de estar + adjetivo en el español de Antonito, Colorado
Melissa Negrón (Arizona State University)
"Variation in the Imperfect Subjunctive use of estar in spoken Peninsular Spanish"
Yvonne Shaw (West Virginia University)
"Lo que ustedes queráis": A first approach to variation of second person plural pronouns in Andalusian Spanish
Elena Jaime Jiménez (West Virginia University)
Table 6 (LL 105) Moderator: Ryan Platz
"Tampoco (no) te cases tan joven": Variación lingüística en la doble negación del español mexicano
Abigail Carretero (West Virginia)
“The Balancing Act between Ad Hoc (Productive) Diminutivization and Relexification in Modern Spanish”
Víctor Parra-Guinaldo & John Ryan (Arizona State University & University of Northern Colorado)
"Who can solve the -inho and -zinho puzzle in Brazilian Portuguese: phonology, morphology or syntax?"
Paula Roberto Gabbai Armelin (Universidade de São Paolo)
